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It seems directly tied to two late January 1990 events—the decision of the Front’s leaders to run as a political party in the first post-Ceausescu elections and the contestation from the street of the Front’s leaders’ legitimacy to rule and to run in those elections. 10-11.) ————————————————————————————— https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/12/21/marturii-intre-1990-si-1992-din-zilele-fierbinte-in-cc-ul-decembrie-1989-doru-teodor-maries-mircea-boaba-sergiu-tanasescu-si-ernest-maftei/ https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.com/2010/12/24/cc-ul-in-zilele-fierbinte-decembrie-1989/ () https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/12/21/marturii-intre-1990-si-1992-din-zilele-fierbinte-in-cc-ul-decembrie-1989-doru-teodor-maries-mircea-boaba-sergiu-tanasescu-si-ernest-maftei/ aici interviul acesta (ziarista este Ondine Gherghut) Iata cateva puncte interesante: min. Leon, însă, nu s-a lăsat perturbat de ironia fostului său coleg.
It also seems difficult to defend objectively as a legitimate description, since even according to their own accounts, senior Front officials had been in contact with one another and discussed overthrowing the Ceausescus prior to the Revolution, since there had existed no real competing non-Ceausescu regime alternative on 22 December 1989 (an argument they themselves make), and since they had clearly not been elected to office. (Ernest Maftei cu Dan Badea, “‘Iliescu putea sa fie eroul neamului, dar a pierdut ocazia! - arestarea enigmaticului Nica Leon (iata scrisoarea lui mai sus, aparut in ziarul canadien The Globe and Mail pe 20 decembrie 1989 https://romanianrevolutionofdecember1989.wordpress.com/2010/12/21/21-decembrie-the-dictatorship-you-are-accustomed-to-is-experiencing-technical-difficulties-please-stand-by/) in subsolul CC, transmitand indicativul “Granitul/rama trei” (pentru o referire pe Internetul…Cine este “rama” trei “Ati fost voi la baricade. Faci parte din fosta retea a lui Iulian Vlad”, a strigat un revolutionar la Nica Leon — “M-aţi pedepsit cu conspiraţia tăcerii”, le-a reproşat Leon ziariştilor.
More innovative are terms such as rivolutie (an apparent invocation of or allusion to the famous Romanian satirist Ion Luca Caragiale’s 1880 play Conu Leonida fata cu reactiunea , where he used the older colloquial spelling revulutie) or lovilutie (a term apparently coined by the humorists at Academia Catavencu, and combining the Romanian for coup d’etat, lovitura de stat, and the Romanian for revolution, revolutie).
Despite the differences, there simply were too many institutional and ideological similarities, or as is often most importantly the case, that is how members of both the state and society interpreted matters.
Moreover, when senior former Front officials, Iliescu among them, point to their winning of two-thirds of the votes for the new parliament in May 1990 and Iliescu’s 85 percent vote for the presidency, the numbers in and of themselves—even beyond the by now pretty obvious and substantiated manipulation, surveillance, and intimidation of opposition parties, candidates, movements and civil society/non-governmental organizations that characterized the election campaign—are a red flag to the tainted and only partly free and fair character of those founding elections. Stii macar din ce s-a construit baricada de la Universitate”, l-a intrebat Nica pe revolutionarul Cristian Iliescu. id=1202849974 În mijlocul scandalului, Nica Leon a înrebat ziariştii prezenţi care asistau râzând: “De ce a fugit Ceauşescu cu elicopterul? CPUN-istul cu ochelari şi geacă neagră de piele a intervenit din nou: “Nica Leon vorbea cu «Granitul», adică cu Iulian Vlad, la Revoluţie”.
But if the FSN and Ion Iliescu cannot be accurately and legitimately described as the “emanation of the Revolution,” it also seems reasonable to suggest that the term “stolen revolution” is somewhat unfair. De ce nu s-a dus în subsol, în adăpostul antiatomic, unde avea telefoane şi tot ce vroia? Cristian Iliescu a completat şi el, adresându-se lui Nica Leon: “La Revoluţie, tu l-ai chemat pe şeful Miliţiei Capitalei”. intervalul - despre Lazarescu Florea si Nae Octavian (Directia V-a a Securitatii) si Nica Leon revista (redactor: Raoul Sorban), februarie-martie 1991…e vorba, se crede, de Maiorul Aurel David (Dir.
This is indeed the great and perhaps tragic irony of what happened in December 1989 in Romania: without the Revolution, the Coup might well have failed, but without the Coup, neither would the Revolution have succeeded.
The latter is particularly difficult for the rigidly ideological and politically partisan to accept; yet it is more than merely a talking point and legitimating alibi of the second-rung nomenklatura who seized power (although it is that too).